快一年了,包括MSN空间在内的几个博客不能恢复正常,我也懒得料理,反正已经长期无法登陆,索性让它自生自灭,记得我在重庆卫视新闻中心工作时一哥们儿曾经断言:你娃就是个机器克星,凡带“机”字的，不管编辑机，摄像机还是电脑，碰到你手里就死的多活的少，一语成谶，就这样做了机器的天敌！

今天看世界杯的间歇无意登陆，面对成了“断代史”的空间记录，无限感慨！

出恭赋——有感于川外研究生5舍5楼某种不良行为习惯

本楼有位仁兄，

入厕从来不冲，

留下黄金万两，

见者无不动容。

 “香气”侵扰四邻，

 “美景”碍人心胸，

骨鲠在喉之余，

胸中数言涌动，

说与哥子记取，

你娃莫装耳聋。

五谷轮回之地，

原无明月清风，

但求心平气和，

厕所最该大同。

人吃五谷杂粮，

腹内不免烘烘，

排泄是件大事，

老兄敬请出恭。

不拘冬寒夏暑，

你且慢慢轻松，

何妨来点音乐，

某当亲奏编钟，

若嫌天黑路滑，

弟为你打灯笼。

只有一事相求，

万望大哥通融：

铁打茅坑不改，

后有流水诸公，

兄长腹内文章，

莫留后人称颂，

繁杂内务理毕，

千万按下水龙，

身后所遗之物，

烦劳亲手相送，

只需拉下水闸，

任它南北西东。

若兄实难割爱，

干脆拾入囊中，

回家做成标本，

朝夕揣摩玩弄。

此等行为艺术，

定惹万人追捧，

如此奇功一件，

举楼定当叩首

扑通、扑通、扑通！

（怎不见东西落入坑中）

 2003年5月“非典”隔离中于川外研究生楼无聊涂鸦

新华社消息,震惊全国的上海乌鲁木齐路拆迁纵火案日前终审判决,两名"主犯"被判死缓,另一名被判"无期".

去年11月,<卫报>在乌鲁木齐路采访时就发现了"动迁小组"在操作中很多值得关注的问题,但外国记者的报道毕竟没有引起任何重视,于是两个月以后,惨案终于在今年年初发生了.诶,如果舆论的声音最终进不了当权者的耳朵,那所有的舆论监督就都是无聊扯淡!

可恨那一把疯狂的大火,可怜那一对年逾古稀的老夫妻!相伴人生几十年的老夫妻,他们终于在这个春节来临的时候死在了一起,以这样一种悲壮的方式!

上海是越来越漂亮了,没有一种力量可以阻挡它发展的步伐.但不知道每一幢高楼的下面,又有多少城市贫民无家可归?看着这座满眼繁荣的国际化大都市,心里禁不住有些感慨!

Lives in ruins

The rapid redevelopment of Shanghai has come at a cost as building after building is bulldozed to make way for gleaming skyscrapers. The demolished blocks were once homes to the city's poor, but any attempts to complain have been brutally swept aside. James Meek reports

Friday November 12, 2004 The Guardian

Could a strange new kind of earthquake have struck the block of old houses between Changshu and Wulumuqi Road in Shanghai, a tremor that turned the homes of the poor to rubble, yet left the shining new towers of the wealthy without a cracked pane of glass?

A thin alley takes you behind the mean dark rows of blighted, boarded-up shops surrounding the block and on to the territory of destruction. Bricks and heaps of soil and plaster have been thrown up out of the old order of two-storey houses like debris on the rim of bomb craters. Here and there a whole or part of a home has survived; sometimes they are inhabited. The remnants of the population cling on to fragile ties with the city, the municipal power and water, in the face of shadowy figures who, they say, visit by night and terrorise them.

"They came in the middle of the night and broke our windows," says an elderly woman, living with her mentally ill son in a surviving house made lonely by the devastation. "We were sitting inside and when we came out the people just ran away."

"They already cut our cable TV and they used to cut the electricity," says the woman's daughter, who, although she lives elsewhere, was too frightened to agree to be named or photographed. "I took my mother to the local administration and threatened that she would start sleeping there, so finally they agreed to restore the electricity. One family has had its water cut off five times."

There's nothing natural about the wrecking of these homes. Like the new $3,000-per-square-metre skyscrapers overshadowing the devastated block, most of the mighty towers pointing the way towards Shanghai's high-rise future were built on top of such ramshackle old quarters. Few cities in the world today, and certainly in Britain, have modernised without massive programmes of what used to be called slum clearance, and western governments, including our own, have extensive powers to force people to abandon their homes to make way for new roads or railway lines.

Yet the way the Shanghai authorities and their private partners have gone about the forced acquisition of the city's tumbledown old quarters for redevelopment - without proper compensation, negotiation or arbitration, with brutality and a contempt for fairness - shows how little the new China treats its ordinary citizens as equals in either the communist or democratic sense.

The residents of the Changshu-Wulumuqi area have a hybrid government, with the worst features of communism and capitalism combined, and none of the redemption of either philosophy's rhetoric about progress and the greater good, only the reality that a few individuals will become extremely rich; no appeal to law or the police; no respect for the property rights of the poor; and no possibility that the politicians who enabled the demolition will be punished at the polls.

The block lies in one of the most desirable and expensive areas of Shanghai, known to foreigners as the French Concession, after its previous incarnation as an area leased to France by the pre-communist Chinese government. As the daughter, Mrs G, explained, the clearance programme was announced to residents by officials of the local council with no opportunity to negotiate. Residents were told that they had to leave, offered either cash compensation or new accommodation elsewhere, and given a deadline of a few months to pack up.

The houses in these cramped, overcrowded old quarters are neither architecturally precious nor pleasant to live in, and Mrs G says they would have been happy to move, if only the council and the private developers had been prepared to negotiate a fair price. They weren't.

For the family's 17 square metres of land, the developers offered the equivalent of $3,000 - the same as one square metre on each floor of the 30-odd storey skyscrapers opposite. The alternative flat offered was far away on the edge of the city, on the sixth floor, without a lift. "They were pretty tough," says Mrs G. "They said this is the way we are going to do it and you have to accept it." Many residents did accept the developers' terms and moved out. Those who stayed were intimidated and attacked.

Asked by the Guardian about the conflicts between evicted residents and property developers, the mayor of Shanghai, Han Zheng, admits that it is still going on, despite recent amendments to China's constitution strengthening the rights of property-owners. "The only way out," he says, "is to address these problems in strict accordance with the law. The government of Shanghai has the obligation to safeguard the interests and rights of each and every citizen of Shanghai in accordance with the law."

And yet Zheng Enchong is still in jail. Zheng is a Shanghai lawyer who sued the city in a class action on behalf of 500 evictee families. He lost the case, and had his lawyer's licence revoked. Last year, he was approached by Shen Ting, the Hong Kong-resident daughter of a Shanghainese couple being evicted from their home, to advise her in another suit on behalf of them and 2,158 other households. He agreed. Eight days after the case began, Chinese public security officials seized him from his flat and arrested him. He was later charged with "violating state secrets" on the basis that he had given information about demonstrations to overseas human rights organisations. He was tried in a closed court and jailed for three years.

Shen lost her case, one similar to that of Mrs G's - a house in an old, run-down block on a prime piece of Shanghai real estate in the French Concession which, nonetheless, had been in the Shens' hands for three generations. Like Mrs G, the Shens never argued that the area shouldn't be redeveloped - only that they should be given the chance to negotiate fair compensation.

Shen Ting, interviewed by the Guardian in Hong Kong, also says they were offered a choice of miserly compensation or a small flat on the far margins where Shanghai meets the countryside. They objected. "Then the demolition people came and spoke to them, saying: 'This Mr Zhou' - Zhou Zheng Yi, the developer - 'has very strong support. You have to move whether you want to or not.' And they told us that this project was in partnership with [the local communist party]."

Shen Ting's parents are now living in their daughter's flat in Shanghai. In the end, they felt they had no choice but to move out. They have received no compensation, and no alternative flat. "It's exposed the fact that in Shanghai there are laws but people don't really follow them," says Shen. "Power, in Shanghai, is more important than law."

Not that dodgy dealings always go unmarked. In June, Zhou Zheng Yi himself was sentenced to a jail term for manipulation of the stock market and dishonest reports of the sources of his wealth. He got exactly the same sentence as Zheng Enchong - three years - and is serving his time in the same prison, Shanghai's Ti Lan Qiao jail.

For many the links between developers, local authorities and the communist party remain a cause of concern. Zhou still owns the piece of land from which the Shens and their neighbours have been evicted, freezing their continuing campaign for compensation. The impression is that the corrupt are punished selectively, often leniently.

In his book Corruption & Market in Contemporary China, Yan Sun wrote: "Almost every public opinion survey since the late 1980s has shown corruption to be the top concern among the general public. It was this very issue, rather than democratisation per se, that contributed to the widespread social roots of the Tiananmen protest movement of 1989."

In an open letter to China's new leaders, Hu Jingtao and Wu Jiabao, Mrs Shen appealed to them for clemency for Zhen, and for government to respect the law rather than "wearing it as a decorative item of clothing" when it suited them.

"When the game says that the developers are the winners and the people are the losers, the government should be in a third-party neutral position," she wrote. "But unfortunately it has spoken and acted for the developers. The greatest barrier to law enforcement in China is the fact that the legal system is subject to the control and power of the privileged."

去年十月中旬，英国《卫报》(The Guardian)派出以G2专刊主编 Ian Katz为领队的15人报道组(其中两名摄影记者,一名为华裔)赴上海采访，做一组关于中国共产党建国五十五周年的专题报道(当然不是中宣部安排的:-)．《卫报》多年来一直保持着一个传统－－每隔一段时间(通常是七年或者十年)就会派一组记者到世界上某个"超级大都市"(Katz语) 进行采访报道,上一次是在十一年前,美国纽约,再上一次是十八年前,巴西的圣保罗．这一次，他们选择了上海．

《卫报》采访组在上海逗留了一个星期,17号下午到达,24号晚上离开．我被推荐给该报首席记者James Meek做翻译,跟他一起在上海和安徽芜湖采访,并为他安排了所有的采访对象．

James Meek生于六十年代,比我正好大十岁,曾经做过《卫报》驻俄罗斯记者,娶了个乌克兰籍的老婆．据国际文传电讯社上海分社Chris Gill社长说，Meek是英国著名的记者和作家，在英语国家享有很高的声誉．

这次的采访翻译使我获益很多,充分见识了世界一流记者的采访风格、工作态度、以及驾御题材的能力.

以下就是Meek上海报道中的一篇：

One week in the life of the Chinese miracle

For months the world's attention has been focused on the White House race but, while we weren't watching, a quiet revolution has been gathering pace - transforming the earth's most populous nation from stunted giant into aspiring superpower. In an attempt to capture a snapshot of this dizzying change, 15 Guardian journalists will be reporting all this week on every aspect of Chinese life from the stock market to sex and shopping. Here, foreign reporter of the year James Meek asks if China has found a third way between capitalism and communism.

Monday November 8, 2004. The Guardian

James Meek

You can learn a lot about the future of the world by stepping into Zhang Bin's tiny room in a postgraduate dormitory at Fudan University in Shanghai. It's about the size of four phone boxes knocked through, but it's very new, and shinily neat and bright.

Zhang, an only child of factory workers whose own educational ambitions were crushed by Mao's cultural revolution, has grown into a bright, open, inquiring man in the new China, with possessions and tools his counterparts would not have dreamed of a decade ago: he has his own laptop, and a high-speed internet connection provided by the university - although his access to websites is limited by state censorship.

Hanging from the top of the wardrobe in the corner is the dark, glossy, tactile soundbox of a guqin, the seven-stringed Chinese lute, which has accompanied Chinese songs for thousands of years. This is a China about more than moneymaking and militarism, which venerates its culture enough to pay Zhang's tuition fees for three years while he studies, not microcircuitry or genetics, but the relation between poetry and music in the medieval Song dynasty.

There's something else about this cheerful, friendly, laid-back young academic, who could so easily be a doctor-in-the-making in London or LA, this representative of China's new generation: he's just joined the Communist party of China, the body which, for 55 years, has held a monopoly on political power and sanctioned truth in this country, and shows no sign of giving it up.

What, it seemed fair to ask Zhang, did this fizzing metropolis of 20 million people have to do with the implementation of Marxism?

"To be honest, I don't think Shanghai has any relation to Marxism," he said. "Before I joined the Communist party, we needed to learn Marxism, but most commonly I look at this book." Zhang reached up to the shelves over his desk and took down a volume called Principles of Economics by N Gregory Mankiw. Mankiw is chief economic adviser to President George Bush.

China is both capitalist and communist, ravenously inquisitive and strictly censored, and the world is beginning to wonder if this strange equilibrium can be sustained. Can it be that China has found a new third way, neither the Soviet-style, totalitarian planned economy, nor western-style democracy and a free market? Can the world's most populous country really go on indefinitely combining censorship, a rigidly controlled media, and an authoritarian, secretive, one-party state with a dynamic, entrepreneurial culture and technological progress, and not suffer some economic or political crisis?

It is no longer an obscure question about a far-off country. What happens in China now affects us all. The signs are everywhere, whether it is the 32,000 Chinese students studying at British colleges and universities, more than from any other country; the likelihood that next year China will overtake the UK as the world's fourth largest economy, and in less than a generation overtake the US as the world's largest; the "Made in China" stickers on something you are wearing or using or have within reach, right now (last year, Britain imported £8.3bn-worth of goods from China, more than from Japan); the Chinese blockbusters beginning to nibble at the edges of Hollywood's action films monopoly; China's running the US close in the medals table at the last Olympics; or the Chinese thirst for oil which is raising prices at the rest of the world's petrol pump.

For the past few weeks, the European and US media have been focusing on two issues, the US presidential election and the war in Iraq. Yet the main answer to the question: "How could the Bush administration afford to fight two wars, cut taxes for the rich and run up massive trade and budget deficits, all at the same time?" is "China".

It's only because over the past few years China has joined Japan in lending America hundreds of billions of dollars that the US government and US consumers have been able to indulge in their staggering spending sprees. The US is, in effect, borrowing from China the money its own consumers have already spent on Chinese goods.

There is no better measure of the new power of China in the world, and the nature of that power, than the fact that its central bank has acquired the means to alter the course of the US economy in a way terrorists, or the still-feeble Chinese military, would find difficult.

Extraordinary economic changes like that China is going through, no matter how vast, rapid and world-changing, are hard for newspapers to capture, lacking the momentous intensity of a president's assassination, the first foot on the moon or the first bomb of a war. Who remembers where they were when postwar Germany first became richer than postwar Britain?

None the less, to see the Shanghai skyline today is to be struck by the intensity of an architectural moment. There is something frantic, impatient and striving about the strange proportions and harsh protuberances of these scores of huge new towers of concrete and glass on either side of the broad brown Huangpu river, as if they were put up in haste the day before you arrived and could easily be pulled down again tomorrow in the city's scramble for profit and modernity.

Ambitious people come to Shanghai from all over China to pursue wealth. Fang Min, deputy director of Shanghai's superbly equipped Yueyeng hospital, where patients can choose integrated treatments from a palette of western and traditional Chinese medicine, came to Shanghai in 1993 from his native Xinjiang province, in China's far west, time zones away geographically and decimal places away financially. It took him three years to get Shanghainese "citizenship". Shanghai doesn't embrace migrants easily. But he loves his new life.

"Everything I own now is from reform," said Fang, speaking of the opening of China to the market economy declared by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, and the subsequent decision in the early 1990s by Jiang Zemin to engineer the city's growth as East Asia's new financial centre.

"The changes in material and spiritual life have been more revolutionary than I could have imagined 10 years ago. When I graduated from university I got just 100 yuan (£6.50) a month. If I'd saved for 10 years, I would have had enough to buy a Shanghai watch. Now I own my house, and I can own a car if I want to. My salary is 20 or 30 times what it was then."

Fang knows well the harshness of the new ways - the inequalities, the division of society into winners and losers. And he accepts it as necessary. He, too, is a card-carrying member of the Communist party; and he accepts the official, entirely un-Marxist party line that, if a minority is allowed to grow rich, the majority will eventually benefit.

It was in the vicinity of Shanghai, 162 years ago, that western modernity thrust itself on China in the shape of a Royal Navy flotilla, led by the steamer Nemesis. The ships bombarded the fort where the Huangpu meets the Yangtze as part of Britain's war to force China to let Scottish merchants sell hard drugs - opium - to the Chinese.

Though China has neither forgotten nor forgiven this and subsequent western humiliations, Shanghai has been the entry point for western ideas ever since - including the idea which has defined Chinese politics since 1949. Western visitors remark on the ubiquity in Shanghai today of foreign chains such as Starbucks and McDonald's. Yet the biggest western-sourced franchise in China remains communism. China's population - 1.3 billion - is so vast, and has grown so much, that despite the collapse of the Soviet Union and the democratisation of eastern Europe, there are now more people living under communism than there were at the height of the cold war in the early 1980s.

It's not something that seems to bother successful foreign businessmen, given that China can be so accommodating to investors. There's a museum in Shanghai on the spot where the Chinese Communist party was founded in 1921, with a tableau showing the young Mao addressing his comrades like Christ at the last supper. Right next door is Shanghai's ritziest restaurant, T8. Over a starter of saffron tagliatelle, poached oysters, champagne sauce, asparagus and beluga caviar, its Swiss manager Walter Zahner - rather distracted by Ralph Fiennes and Natasha Richardson having popped in the night before and Victoria Beckham due that night - argued that China required authoritarian rule.

"The Chinese need strong leadership," he said. "I see it in my restaurant. To run a successful business here you need to be a strong leader. To make China successful, I think they have to keep this kind of strong leadership."

There is no shortage of sceptics about how solidly-founded the explosive growth of Shanghai, and China, really is. For Shanghai, they point to the electricity shortages which blight the city in summer; the darkness of many of the city's brave new towers after night falls because apartment blocks, built speculatively with soft loans, haven't found tenants; the extent to which Shanghai's glitz and bustle has been artificially and often irrationally created by China's leadership, at the expense of taxes and savings from other parts of China.

For China itself, there are prominent sceptics such as Joe Studwell, author of the influential book The China Dream. Studwell argues that China's apparent economic prowess is based on Hong Kong and Taiwan entrepreneurs and the use of cheap labour to assemble western, Japanese and Korean products which are then reassembled under the "Made in China" badge. The domestic Chinese market, Studwell claims, is a surreal, archaic, corrupt place, largely closed to foreigners and dominated by state companies propped up by loans based on cronyism rather than success.

Even if the sceptics are overplaying the weakness of China's economic boom, their most persuasive argument that all is not well remains the distorting role played by the Communist party's monopoly on power. Insulated from media scrutiny or political competition, the Communist leadership busily knits together a privileged oligarchy of businessmen and government officials. A quarter of the names on the 2004 EuromoneyChina list of the country's 100 richest people - combined worth, $30bn - are "communists". The party has withdrawn from its socialist commitments to equality, but has yet to enforce a new set of rules for the capitalist age where all Chinese can feel equal before the law.

"It is almost impossible for a country to sustain a situation of being westernised, or modernised, in the economy, but Sovietised politically. So political reform is, perhaps, inevitable," said Dr Zhu Xueqin, dean of Shanghai University's Peace & Development Institution. "Political reform has been suspended for 20 years and it may be suspended for another 20. But I believe that at the end of my life I will see such a change, that political change will catch up with economic change."

Dr Zhu dismissed those who argue that China's undemocratic history makes it more likely to emulate other authoritarian regimes in East Asia. "China is now in the post-authoritarian era," he said. "At the end of 20th century, in Chinese Taiwan, there is a liberal democratic regime. And in Hong Kong there are quasi-democratic structures. So although China does not have a long democratic history as Britain, that doesn't matter. It doesn't prevent China establishing a democratic regime in the future."

You wouldn't expect Han Zheng, Shanghai's mayor since 2003, to concede that the days of one-party rule in China are numbered, and sure enough, he didn't. But he made clear how important it was for China's leadership to fulfil its implicit pact with the country's hundreds of millions of rural and urban poor: trust us, and the rich will pull you out of poverty in their wake.

"China is a country with a huge population and a large territory," he told the Guardian. "In such a country, it is impossible to achieve fully balanced development. That's why Mr Deng put forward the principle that allows some people to get rich first, with the ultimate goal of common development and common prosperity."

An overnight train leaves Shanghai at 10pm and arrives in the city of Wuhu, in the relatively poor province of Anhui, at 4am. In Wuhu, one of those numerous Chinese cities of two million people you've never heard of, they like to eat congealed duck blood in garlic and aniseed broth. As a wan crimson sun rose over Mirror Lake in the centre of town, before 7am, thousands of pensioners were carrying out synchronised exercises in teams, some of them with ceremonial swords and giant fans; others massaged their calves and had their blood pressure taken, or walked and gossiped. They seemed very happy.

The younger people in Wuhu look to Shanghai rather as north-west Africa looks to Spain. Behind the plane trees on Duchun Street, dozens of small private agencies offer a treble service: estate agent, employment agency, lonely hearts. Signs read: "Flat - job - marriage." According to Yun Xiaoxia, one of the agency bosses, many Wuhu girls want to take advantage of China's gender imbalance - there are more boys than girls - to seek husbands in Shanghai.

One of Yun's clients, a tall young woman in a canary yellow jacket, stalked in, eating crisps. "Yes, I'm looking for a husband in Shanghai," she said. She pressed a crisp sulkily between her red lips and crunched it. "Because it's not easy for a girl to get by. It's so complicated. Shanghai is a beautiful city and a dream. Everybody in China wants to go to Shanghai."

豺狼坐禅：狼是另一种羊

 　　豺狼进入了布拉格，从秋风萧瑟的荒原大漠来到神秘而美丽的罗马故都。在秩序主义者眼中，这种不安守本分，擅自超越法定疆界的大胆妄为应该算作“闹革命”，是犯上作乱，是典型的农村包围城市。 　　

　　但豺狼不是来武装夺权的。豺狼心里从来就不希望看到天下生灵涂炭。多年来四处征战殊死拼杀，一身伤痕累累也只能换得勉强维持生存的几天口粮，豺狼自己也早已厌倦了这种血肉横飞的亡命生涯。它所做的一切都不过是顺乎天意，要是当初上帝安排它也能象兔子一样吃草，或者象人一样先把兔子合法地杀死再加上作料烹制成美味的红烧兔肉，也许豺狼就不会背负那么多恶名了。对于人和其他动物的指责，豺狼觉得不可理解，植物和动物都是生灵，为什么此轻彼重？生肉和熟肉都是血肉，为什么你吃得我就吃不得？ 　　

　　所以豺狼进入布拉格，不是来忏悔的，豺狼从来就不觉得依着本性生活算是罪恶。也正因为这样，豺狼才感觉内心痛苦。豺狼是来坐禅的，它想给自己黑暗中的冥思找到一点智慧的星光，给他一生信奉的丛林法则找到一条救赎之道。所以它来到了布拉格，艺术和宗教灌溉着的沃土，滋生不安与困惑，孕育颠覆与反叛的精神家园。对豺狼而言，天主教堂与大雄宝殿并无分别，在豺狼心中，一切直达灵魂，通往彼岸的途径都是禅，耶稣其实就是佛，佛就是主，有时候也叫真主，在中国人那里，还有个名字叫做“道”．总之在豺狼眼中，他们其实没有分别。

　　豺狼来到了布拉格，它说布拉格就是blog，虽然通常西方人都叫它Prague，但在豺狼看来，这也没有分别，在豺狼的词典里，两个名字都是正确的。 　　

　　主说，把我的爱给狼吧，因为它也是一头羊．佛言如是．